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Wednesday, 22 October 2025

Human Psychology — The Limiting Factor in Dealing with Autism

 

 

When it comes to autism, perhaps the biggest obstacle is not scientific knowledge, but human psychology itself.

We want certainty: lab tests, clear causes, definitive diagnoses, and effective treatments. Yet autism resists all of them. It exists at the intersection of biology, behavior, and more recently culture. It exposes how much of medicine is still filtered through the lens of human perception.

 

The power of belief: Placebo and Nocebo

Autism clinical trials reveal a striking pattern, the placebo group often does surprisingly well. Parents, teachers, and clinicians report improvements in social engagement, eye contact, or irritability even when the child receives no active compound.

That is not fraud — it is psychology. Expectations shape observations. Parents want to see improvement; clinicians want to believe their interventions work (some clinicians even seem to want the interventions of others not to work!). The placebo effect amplifies hope into perceived progress.

The opposite is also true. If a therapy is expected to fail, or cause side effects, people tend to notice negative changes. That is the nocebo effect — our beliefs shaping our biology, or at least our perception of it.

 

Beyond placebo and nocebo: other human effects that shape perception

The placebo and nocebo effects are just the beginning. Human psychology is full of subtle forces that can make a treatment appear to work, or fail, even when biology remains unchanged. These effects are especially powerful in autism research, where progress is measured through behavior rather than lab tests.

 

1. The Hawthorne effect

People often change their behavior simply because they know they are being observed. Parents in a trial may interact more positively with their child, or teachers may give extra encouragement. The child then behaves better—not because of the therapy, but because the social environment has changed.

The Hawthorne effect is a type of human behavior reactivity: individuals modify their behavior simply because they know they are being observed. It was first described in studies during the 1920s at the Hawthorne Works, a Western Electric plant in Illinois, where workers’ productivity appeared to improve under different lighting conditions and work structures. Later analysis suggested that the apparent gains were likely due to the novelty of being studied and the extra attention workers received, rather than the experimental changes themselves.

 

2. Observer expectancy

Researchers and clinicians, consciously or not, tend to see what they expect to see. A therapist who believes a treatment is promising may rate ambiguous behaviors more favorably. Even small cues like tone, enthusiasm or body language can subtly influence outcomes.

 

3. The caregiver effect

When parents believe something is helping, they naturally act differently: calmer, more patient, more hopeful. The child senses this, and behavior improves. The apparent “treatment effect” is really a change in the social dynamic, not the biology of the child.

 

4. Regression to the mean

Children may join studies when their behaviors are at their worst. Over time, things tend to return toward their usual level, whether or not any treatment was effective. Without biological markers, this natural recovery can look like success.

 

5. Confirmation bias

We notice what confirms our hopes and ignore what does not. A parent who wants to see progress will remember good days vividly, while quietly forgetting setbacks. Over time, that bias creates a story of steady improvement—even when change is uneven or minimal.

 

6. Natural maturation

Children grow and change. Speech, self-regulation, and awareness can all improve simply with time and development. Without objective measures, it is hard to tell whether improvement came from therapy or from ordinary maturation.

 

7. The therapeutic alliance

Sometimes, what helps most is the sense of being understood. A caring professional who listens and offers hope can have a measurable calming effect on both parent and child. It feels like progress because it is, psychological progress, but it’s not necessarily biological.

 

8. The expectancy cycle

These forces often combine. Parents, teachers, and researchers all expect improvement, and those expectations subtly reinforce each other. Everyone feels encouraged, interactions improve, and the child responds in kind.

 

Taken together, these human effects can create the illusion of treatment success without any measurable biological change.

They do not make research meaningless, but they remind us that, in autism, we are often studying human perception as much as human biology.

 

Measuring what can’t be measured

Unlike diabetes or infections, autism lacks objective biological markers. There is no blood test, no scan, no lab value that confirms progress. Autism trials rely almost entirely on soft behavioral endpoints like eye contact, social reciprocity, verbal skills, repetitive behaviors.

But these are all subjective judgments. One parent’s “huge improvement” is another’s “slight change.” Even trained clinicians often disagree. This introduces a layer of human variability that overwhelms any small biological signal a treatment might produce.

 

A contrast: When biology speaks clearly

Imagine your nine-year-old child with autism becomes irritable, withdrawn, and starts covering his ears. His behavior worsens rapidly.

You take him to the doctor, who looks in his ear and immediately sees the problem — an infection. The diagnosis itself does not make the pain go away, and the child’s behaviors do not improve simply from being told what is wrong. But after a week on antibiotics, the infection clears. The pain disappears. His sleep normalizes. His behaviors return to baseline.

Here, biology is clear. The cause was physical, the treatment targeted it, and the outcome was measurable. There is no placebo interpretation involved, just the cause-and-effect precision that medicine aspires to.

That clarity is what is usually missing in autism research.

 

The comfort of a diagnosis

By contrast, many adults receiving a mild autism diagnosis report feeling relief,  they finally “understand themselves.” Yet nothing physical has changed. No inflammation has resolved, no neurotransmitter has been balanced. What changed was self-perception.

A diagnosis can provide comfort, identity, and even community. It answers the deeply human need to make sense of who we are. But it is a psychological event, not a biological one.

 

The paradox of mild autism

My mother, a doctor, once remarked how curious it is that so many people are now diagnosed with mild autism — yet there is no therapy or even structured follow-up. The diagnosis is meant to help, but what comes next?

Parents of children with severe autism often feel alienated by this trend. They watch celebrities and influencers describe themselves as autistic for being introverted or socially anxious, while their own children are non-verbal, incontinent, and dependent for life. They feel that the term autism has been stretched so far that it risks losing meaning.

 

When autism is severe, there is less room for subjectivity

In cases of severe autism, the boundaries between perception and reality become clearer. There is less room for interpretation because the behaviors are so obvious, so measurable, and often so disabling that they cannot be mistaken for personality differences.

When a child is non-verbal, does not respond to their name, cannot feed or toilet independently, and shows self-injurious or highly repetitive behaviors, progress can be tracked in concrete ways. A therapy either helps the child communicate a few new words, reduces self-harm, improves sleep, or it does not. There is far less ambiguity.

A parent of a severely autistic child does not need rating scales to know whether their child’s aggression or anxiety has improved, they can see it in daily life. If the child goes from sleeping two hours a night to sleeping eight, that is not a placebo effect. If self-injury stops after an antibiotic or anti-inflammatory, that is a biological clue, not a subjective impression.

Because of this, severe autism may actually offer better opportunities for scientific understanding. The behaviors are consistent and pronounced, and measurable improvements can point to real biological mechanisms—whether immune, metabolic, or neurological.

However, these children are also the most neglected by research. Most autism trials exclude them, preferring verbal, higher-functioning participants who can follow instructions and complete rating scales. Ironically, this biases autism science toward the most subjective end of the spectrum, the very group where human psychology most distorts perception.

If we want to understand autism’s biology, it may be wiser to focus more on those with clear and measurable impairments, where psychology plays a smaller role and biology has a chance to reveal itself.

 

Diagnosis as identity

There is a broader cultural pattern at work. Increasingly, psychiatric labels like ADHD, bipolar disorder, and autism have become identity markers — especially among younger adults. They bring belonging, validation, and sometimes even social capital.

But it raises a question, does the diagnosis help because it changes biology, or because it reshapes how a person feels about their life story?

For some, the label provides understanding. For others, it becomes a kind of permission, a way to explain why life did not turn out to plan. Yet life rarely does, for anyone, neurodiverse or not.

Real life is messy and unpredictable, not like the polished arcs of old Hollywood movies. The narrative a diagnosis provides can feel comforting, but it is ultimately a false framework  an excuse to explain the story, without altering the underlying biology or changing the ending.

 

A broader cultural shift

The rise in self-diagnosed autism overlaps with another social trend, more young people identifying as LGBTQ+. Both movements challenge norms and offer belonging to those who feel different. Both provide a ready-made narrative that transforms uncertainty into identity.

In that sense, autism today has become as much a social phenomenon as a medical one.

 

The human factor in science

Biology is rarely black and white, especially in neuroscience. Each brain is unique, and behavior reflects countless interacting systems. But when objective biomarkers are absent, psychology fills the void — through expectation, perception, and interpretation.

That is why autism remains so difficult to “treat.” Our understanding is constrained not only by biology, but by human psychology — the biases, hopes, and needs that color how we define and measure improvement.

Until we learn to separate biological change from psychological interpretation, human psychology will remain the limiting factor in how we deal with autism.

 






9 comments:

  1. Peter, I'm working through any interesting though. Folate receptor autoantibodies are of the igg class. Do you think they could cause mast activation? The reason I ask is after my sons monthly Xolair shot his vocabulary increases exponentially.

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    1. I don’t anything can be said with certainty.

      In autism associated with folate receptor alpha autoantibodies (FRAA), the evidence points to a two-way process where immune dysregulation leads to FRAA formation, and once those antibodies appear, they amplify neuroinflammation.

      In many affected individuals, oxidative stress, mitochondrial dysfunction, gut inflammation, or infections trigger loss of immune tolerance to the folate receptor alpha (FRα). The immune system then produces IgG or IgM antibodies that bind to FRα blocking folate transport into the cerebrospinal fluid. This causes cerebral folate deficiency (CFD) — a state that impairs methylation, antioxidant capacity, and neurotransmitter synthesis.

      Low brain folate and the resulting oxidative stress activate microglia and mast cells, both of which release pro-inflammatory cytokines (IL-6, TNF-α, IL-1β etc) and perpetuate inflammation. That inflammation further drives antibody persistence, creating a chronic cycle:

      Immune dysregulation → FRAA → folate transport block → neuroinflammation → more FRAA → Immune dysregulation

      Xolair does not reduce FRAA directly, but it downregulates mast cell activity and inflammatory signaling (including IL-6 and TNF-α), which can partially interrupt this feedback loop. This may explain why some people show rapid language or cognitive improvement after Xolair.

      The sharp language gains are likely due to reduced neuroinflammation rather than an acute rise in brain folate. Folate transport into the brain changes slowly, over days or weeks, while Xolair can dampen mast cell activation and cytokine release within hours. When neuroinflammation drops, neuronal signaling in language circuits becomes more efficient, unmasking language and cognitive abilities that were previously suppressed by inflammatory noise.

      Over time, by stabilizing the immune environment, Xolair may also indirectly improve folate receptor function and reduce autoantibody persistence — so both mechanisms could contribute, but the initial improvement is likely inflammation-driven.

      A transient Xolair-related language boost shows that the brain can function much better when inflammation is calmed — so the next step is to try to make that state permanent by restoring folate metabolism, reducing oxidative stress, and addressing the sources of immune activation, which is easier said than done.

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  2. This is a brilliant post Peter! Thank you.

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  3. A very thought provoking and interesting post as usual. Thanks a lot.

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  4. Responding to first comment regarding folate receptor auto-antibodies and mast cell activation. I have posted this observation here before. Since my son started leucovorin for FRAA, he has not needed verapamil for seasonal pollen allergies that manifested as behavioral problems. My son’s genetics (SNPs) predispose him to mast cell activation, histamine over-production, DAO weakness, and over production of TNF-a and IL-6. But treating the FRAA certainly seems to have helped the mast cell activation, even more than verapamil (which as I’m sure you know is also a mast cell stabilizer). This does not really speak to what you are looking at (do FRAA trigger mast cell activation) but strange to me that treating FRAA seems to help stabilize mast cells.

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    1. EDFW, I have mentioned this previously in other posts, but in case you missed it:

      Interestingly, leucovorin (calcium folinate) may provide benefits beyond correcting folate metabolism. One key mechanism is its ability to quench peroxynitrite, a potent reactive nitrogen species that contributes to nitrosative stress. Peroxynitrite can directly trigger mast cell activation, leading to histamine release and inflammatory cytokine production. By reducing peroxynitrite levels, leucovorin may help stabilize mast cells, lower histamine, and dampen inflammation, which could explain improvements in allergy-related behavioral symptoms in some children, independent of its folate pathway effects.

      It also may explain why some people who test negative for FRAA still benefit from calcium folinate. Which means everyone should trial it.

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  5. Very interesting Peter. Certainly leucovorin’s ability to quench peroxynitrite tracks with what I have observed. Thank you for your reply.

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  6. Peter,
    The linked paper made me wonder if perhaps dulaglutide should be trialed in autism—perhaps only for adults or older teens who have completed growth. But interesting.
    https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11242057/

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  7. Peter my son has been on bumetanide for a year and no effects. You did mention there’s something that might work if bumetanide did not. Can you help recall? Also he’s going to go on ozempic for weight loss

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