A new paper continues to refine the
concept of Profound Autism to define how should we describe autistic people who
require lifelong, round-the-clock care.
Developing a consensus research definition for profound autism using a modified Delphi method
Using a modified Delphi process
involving researchers, clinicians, caregivers and autistic individuals, the
authors developed a consensus research definition of profound autism. Their
goal is admirable. By encouraging researchers to use a common definition,
studies become easier to compare and the subgroup with the greatest support
needs is less likely to be overlooked.
I welcome that goal, but …
Research definition or clinical reality?
The authors are careful to emphasise
that "profound autism" is intended as a research definition rather
than a new clinical diagnosis.
That distinction is important.
Researchers need consistent
definitions so that studies include comparable participants. A research
definition helps ensure that one study of "profound autism" is
investigating a similar population to another.
Parents, however, have often been
asking for something completely different.
Many families caring for autistic
people who require lifelong support argue that the autism spectrum has become
so broad that it no longer communicates the reality of their child's
disability. They are looking for terminology that helps explain prognosis,
support needs and, in some countries, eligibility for services.
A research-only definition does not
solve those problems.
Indeed, by combining autism severity,
intellectual disability and adaptive functioning into a single category, it may
create new sources of confusion outside the research setting.
This is in marked contrast to
Asperger's syndrome. In 1994, Asperger's syndrome was introduced into the
DSM-IV as a recognised clinical diagnosis, not merely as a research category.
It was used by clinicians, educators and families to describe a distinctive
presentation of autism. When it was removed in 2013 and absorbed into the
broader diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder, the spectrum expanded to
encompass individuals ranging from those living entirely independently to those
requiring lifelong, round-the-clock care.
It is therefore unsurprising that
researchers are once again looking for ways to subdivide this very broad
spectrum.
However, unlike Asperger's syndrome,
profound autism is not intended to become a clinical diagnosis. It is a tool
for research, not for clinical practice.
Perhaps what is really needed are two
complementary frameworks:
· A research framework that allows scientists to compare studies using consistent and well-defined populations.
· A clinical framework that describes an individual's autism severity, intellectual ability, adaptive functioning, language, medical complications and support needs separately.
The second approach may be far more
useful for families because it paints a richer and more accurate picture of the
individual than any single label ever could.
The authors deserve credit for
recognising that the current autism spectrum has become too broad for many
research questions and their perseverance. Whether "profound autism"
is the best way to address that problem remains open to debate, but they have
undoubtedly started an important conversation.
How Has
the Diagnosis Changed?
It is easy
to forget how much the diagnosis of autism has changed over the past quarter of
a century.
In 2000,
clinicians were still using the DSM-IV classification, which recognised several
distinct pervasive developmental disorders: Autistic Disorder, Asperger's
syndrome and PDD-NOS (Pervasive Developmental Disorder – Not Otherwise
Specified).
To receive a
diagnosis of Autistic Disorder, a child had to meet at least six diagnostic
criteria spanning social interaction, communication and restricted or
repetitive behaviours, with symptoms present before three years of age. Most
children diagnosed with Autistic Disorder had significant language delay, many
had intellectual disability, and a large proportion required substantial
lifelong support.
By contrast,
individuals with average or above-average intelligence and no clinically
significant language delay were generally diagnosed with Asperger's syndrome,
while those who showed autistic features but did not fully satisfy the criteria
for either diagnosis often received a diagnosis of PDD-NOS.
This changed
dramatically in 2013 when DSM-5 replaced these separate diagnoses with a single
diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD). The intention was to improve
diagnostic consistency, recognising that there were no clear biological
boundaries separating the previous categories. However, the consequence was the
creation of an exceptionally broad diagnostic spectrum.
Today, the
same diagnosis encompasses people living entirely independently—including
university professors, engineers, scientists and other professionals—as well as
individuals who cannot communicate verbally, require assistance with every
aspect of daily living and need lifelong, round-the-clock care.
Why do we need a
better classification of autism?
Autism has become an extraordinarily
broad diagnosis.
At one end of the spectrum are
university professors, software engineers, airline pilots and people who
require little or no formal support.
At the other end are individuals who
cannot communicate verbally, cannot dress or feed themselves, may have
epilepsy, severe gastrointestinal disease, self-injurious behaviour and require
lifelong supervision.
Although these individuals all satisfy
the behavioural criteria for autism spectrum disorder, they clearly do not
represent the same clinical condition.
When research studies combine such
diverse populations under one diagnostic label, interpreting the results
becomes increasingly difficult. A treatment that benefits one subgroup may have
no effect—or even be harmful—in another.
Recognising this enormous
heterogeneity is one of the greatest strengths of the new paper.
The proposed definition
of profound autism
After two rounds of expert
consultation, the Delphi panel proposed that profound autism should be defined
by several key characteristics.
The individual should:
- meet the diagnostic criteria for autism
spectrum disorder
- be at least eight years old
- require continuous adult supervision to
ensure health, safety and wellbeing
- demonstrate adaptive functioning well
below age expectations
and also have either:
- severe intellectual impairment (typically
reflected by an IQ below 50), or
- minimal verbal communication, consisting
mainly of single words or fixed phrases used to communicate basic needs.
Importantly, this is intended as a
research definition, not a new clinical diagnosis.
The intention is not to create another
subtype of autism but to ensure that studies investigating those with the
highest support needs are describing comparable populations.
That is an entirely reasonable
objective.
What the Paper
Gets Right
Several aspects of the paper deserve
praise.
First, it openly acknowledges that
autism is not one disorder.
The current autism spectrum
encompasses people with enormously different abilities, medical problems,
educational outcomes and support requirements.
Recognising that these individuals
should not always be analysed together is long overdue.
Secondly, the authors move away from
relying solely on IQ.
Instead, they give much greater
emphasis to adaptive functioning—the practical skills needed for everyday life.
Being able to dress, wash, communicate
needs, recognise danger, prepare food or manage daily routines often determines
independence far more than an IQ score.
In many ways, adaptive functioning is
a better measure of the help a person actually requires.
Finally, the authors recognise that
research involving those with the greatest support needs has declined over
recent decades.
That imbalance deserves to be
corrected.
Where I think the
definition falls short
Although I agree with the motivation
behind the paper, I am less convinced by the solution.
My concern is that the proposed
definition combines three different concepts into a single label:
- autism severity
- intellectual disability
- adaptive functioning
These are related, but they are not
identical.
A person may have extremely severe
autistic symptoms while having an IQ of 120.
Another may have equally severe
autistic symptoms together with profound intellectual disability.
A third may have only moderate
autistic features but such poor adaptive functioning that lifelong supervision
is still required.
These individuals have very different
developmental trajectories, medical needs and treatment priorities.
Grouping them together under one
behavioural label risks obscuring those important differences.
James Coplan's alternative
framework
More than twenty years ago, pediatric
neurologist James Coplan proposed a remarkably elegant way of thinking about
autism prognosis. I wrote about it in my book on page 90.
Instead of asking a single question—
"How severe
is the autism?"
—he separated prognosis into
independent dimensions.
His framework considered:
- severity of autistic features
- intellectual ability
- age
His diagrams illustrate two children
who initially appear equally autistic.
Child A has profound intellectual
disability.
Child B has normal intelligence.
Both improve with age and both still
have autism. But child B’s intelligence allows him to break up the troubling
aspects of autism into smaller more manageable pieces. Child A never manages to
overcome these barriers and remains disabled.
Their long-term outcomes become
completely different.
The difference is not autism alone.
It is autism combined with
intellectual disability.
I have always thought this framework
was one of the clearest ways of explaining why prognosis varies so enormously
across the autism spectrum.
If I were updating Coplan's model
today, I would start with a fourth independent dimension, adaptive functioning. Later we can add some additional dimensions to narrow down sub-groups of autism.
Autism severity is
not the same as IQ
One recurring source of confusion is
the assumption that severe autism automatically means low intelligence. It does
not.
Many autistic people experience severe
sensory difficulties, severe social disability and marked repetitive behaviours
while having average, or even exceptionally high, IQ.
Conversely, many autistic people also
have severe intellectual disability.
These are different dimensions.
This distinction matters because one
reason the term "profound autism" has generated debate is that many
autistic people with severe autistic symptoms but normal intelligence feel it
reinforces the misconception that intellectual disability is simply part of
autism, rather than a common but separate co-occurring condition.
The authors of the Delphi paper were
clearly aware of this problem.
Interestingly, the expert panel could
not reach consensus on the most appropriate IQ threshold.
An IQ below 50 received the greatest
support but still failed to reach the predefined level required for formal
consensus.
That illustrates just how difficult it
is to reduce a complex clinical picture to a single number.
The taboo of low
IQ
One recurring issue when discussing
autism today is the reluctance to talk openly about impaired cognitive
function, or low IQ.
This is not an entirely new
phenomenon. In 1973 the IQ threshold traditionally associated with what was
then called mental retardation (now intellectual disability) became more
stringent. Whereas an IQ below about 80 had been used previously, the emphasis
shifted to an IQ below 70, approximately two standard deviations below the
population mean. Although this appears to be a relatively small numerical
change, it reduced the proportion of the population meeting the criterion from
roughly 16% to about 2.3% today.
Today we seem to be moving in opposite
directions. The diagnostic boundaries for autism and ADHD have broadened
considerably, while the definition of intellectual disability become narrower.
Unfortunately, IQ has become an
uncomfortable subject. Rather than asking why some children have impaired
cognitive development—and whether it might be prevented or treated—we often
focus on finding more acceptable terminology, such as intellectual disability
or learning difficulty. Changing the name may reduce stigma, but it does not
change the underlying biology.
IQ is not determined by genetics
alone. It is influenced by prenatal health, nutrition, education, environmental
factors and many medical conditions. The remarkable increase in average IQ
observed in countries such as South Korea over the past several decades
demonstrates that cognitive performance can improve substantially across a
population as living conditions, health and education improve.
South Korea provides one of the world's
clearest examples of how environmental factors can influence measured cognitive
ability. During the country's rapid economic development, researchers
documented exceptionally large gains in IQ test performance—around 7–8 points
per decade for cohorts born between 1970 and 1990. These gains are far too
rapid to be explained by genetics and instead reflect the powerful effects of
improved nutrition, healthcare, education and childhood development.
Average
IQ in sub-Saharan Africa is reported to be around 80, but it is not a
politically correct subject to discuss.
Perhaps the most encouraging
development is the growing recognition that some forms of intellectual
disability are treatable. This indeed ended up being one of the goals of my
son’s autism therapy.
I was surprised to later discover the
excellent Treatable-ID.org project, which catalogues hundreds of inherited
metabolic and genetic disorders in which early diagnosis and targeted treatment
can prevent or reduce intellectual disability. The database is not yet
complete, but it highlights how understanding the biology of cognitive
impairment can lead to meaningful interventions.
Parents often face a difficult
dilemma. When applying for educational or social support, they may need to
provide evidence that their child has intellectual disability. Yet,
understandably, they also want to emphasise their child's strengths and
abilities. That tension can make honest discussions about cognitive ability
surprisingly difficult.
Ultimately, our goal should not simply
be to find kinder terminology. It should be to understand why intellectual
disability develops and, wherever possible, to prevent or treat it.
CARS, IQ and
Adaptive Functioning Measure Different Things
One lesson from this discussion is
that we should stop expecting a single measurement to describe everything.
Autism researchers already have
well-established tools for measuring different aspects of an individual's
condition.
The Childhood Autism Rating Scale
(CARS) is widely used in clinical trials to quantify the severity of autistic
symptoms. It allows researchers to determine whether a treatment has reduced
the core behavioural features of autism.
IQ tests measure cognitive ability.
Adaptive behaviour scales, such as the
Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales, measure how well a person functions in
everyday life.
Language assessments measure
communication.
These are not competing measurements.
They answer different questions.
|
Question |
Measurement
Tool |
What It
Isolates |
|
How severe are
the autistic features? |
CARS (Childhood Autism Rating Scale) |
Core behavioral features &
symptom severity |
|
How well does
the brain solve problems? |
IQ Tests |
Cognitive and intellectual ability |
|
How
independently can the person function? |
Vineland (Adaptive Behavior Scales) |
Practical, real-world everyday life
skills |
|
How well can
they communicate? |
Language
Assessment |
Structural and functional
communication levels |
No single score can replace the
others.
For example, two children may both
have a CARS score of 46, indicating similarly severe autistic symptoms.
One may have an IQ of 110.
The other an IQ of 35.
Their autism severity is similar.
Their prognosis is not.
Likewise, two people with identical
IQs may have very different adaptive functioning. One may travel independently
and prepare meals, while another may require constant supervision because of
poor judgement or inability to communicate in dangerous situations.
Each measurement adds a different
piece of the puzzle.
Although adaptive functioning may
ultimately predict support needs better than IQ, IQ remains a concept that most
people readily understand. Saying that someone has an IQ below 50 immediately
conveys severe cognitive impairment. Saying that adaptive functioning is
"three standard deviations below the mean" is scientifically precise
but far less intuitive.
For parents, describing an
eight-year-old as having adaptive skills comparable with those of an
eighteen-month-old child may actually communicate the situation more clearly,
even though psychologists generally avoid age-equivalent scores because of
their statistical limitations.
Rather than trying to compress all of
these dimensions into a single label, we should recognise that each contributes
valuable information.
What About
Self-Injury and Aggression?
One of the most surprising findings
from the Delphi process is not what was included—but what was deliberately
excluded.
The expert panel decided that
self-injurious behaviour (SIB), aggression and other severe challenging
behaviours should not form part of the definition of profound autism.
Their reasoning is understandable.
Although these behaviours are common
among autistic people requiring lifelong care, they are not universal. Some
profoundly disabled autistic people never become aggressive or self-injurious,
while others with less severe intellectual impairment do.
From the perspective of defining a
research population, that makes sense.
However, from the perspective of
improving lives, I think something important risks being overlooked.
Self-injury and severe aggression are
among the greatest causes of:
- family stress
- school exclusion
- psychiatric admission
- physical injury
- use of restrictive practices
- reduced quality of life
These behaviours are not simply
unfortunate complications.
They are major clinical problems in
their own right.
They also almost certainly represent
important biological processes that deserve investigation.
Whether driven by pain, epilepsy,
anxiety, executive dysfunction, sensory overload, catatonia, immune activation
or other mechanisms, severe behavioural dysregulation should not disappear from
autism research simply because it does not define a diagnostic subgroup.
Instead, it should become a major
research priority.
Towards a
Multidimensional Framework
Rather than inventing another umbrella
label, I believe autism research would benefit from routinely describing
individuals across several independent dimensions.
For example:
|
Dimension |
Example
measure |
|
Autism severity |
CARS-2 |
|
Intellectual ability |
IQ |
|
Adaptive functioning |
Vineland |
|
Language |
Single words, phrases, fluent speech |
|
Behaviour |
Self-injury, aggression, catatonia |
|
Medical complexity |
Epilepsy, gastrointestinal disease,
sleep disorder |
|
Development |
Age and developmental trajectory |
This immediately creates a far richer
description than any single label.
Instead of saying:
"This study included children
with profound autism."
Researchers could report:
- Mean CARS score
- Mean IQ
- Mean adaptive functioning
- Language level
- Prevalence of epilepsy
- Frequency of self-injury
- Frequency of aggression
- Presence of regression
- Known genetic diagnoses
Readers would immediately understand
precisely which population had been studied.
The future lies
in studying better subgroups
Perhaps the greatest opportunity is
not to invent another autism label, but to identify clinically and biologically
meaningful subgroups.
Many of these already exist.
Examples include:
- Autism with profound intellectual
disability
- Autism with average or high intelligence
- Autism with severe self-injury
- Autism with severe aggression
- Autism with epilepsy
- Autism with catatonia
- Autism with developmental regression
- Autism associated with mitochondrial
dysfunction
- Autism with severe gastrointestinal
disease
- Autism with chronic sleep disorders
- Autism associated with immune
dysregulation
- Autism following hypoxic brain injury
- Autism following congenital infection
- Autism associated with connective tissue
disorders
- Autism associated with specific genetic
syndromes such as SCN2A, SHANK3, CACNA1C, SCN8A, SYNGAP1, Phelan-McDermid
syndrome, Rett syndrome, Fragile X syndrome, Tuberous Sclerosis Complex
and many others.
Even these subgroups are not mutually
exclusive.
A child may belong to several
simultaneously.
That is perfectly acceptable.
The purpose is not to create dozens of
new diagnoses.
The purpose is to identify people who
are likely to share similar biology—and therefore similar treatment
opportunities.
Interestingly, autism research is
already moving in this direction.
Clinical trials increasingly recruit
specific subgroups rather than "all autism."
Examples include:
- minimally verbal autism
- autism with epilepsy
- Fragile X syndrome
- Rett syndrome
- tuberous sclerosis
- Phelan-McDermid syndrome
- SCN2A-related autism
The field has already recognised that
autism is biologically heterogeneous.
Perhaps our classification systems
should catch up.
Precision medicine
needs better descriptions
The real promise of precision medicine
is not simply to identify ever smaller genetic subgroups.
It is to understand why individuals
who satisfy the same behavioural diagnosis often have completely different
biology.
One child may have mitochondrial
dysfunction.
Another an ion channel disorder.
Another chronic neuroinflammation.
Another an underlying metabolic
disease.
Another significant prenatal hypoxic
brain injury.
Behaviour alone cannot distinguish
these individuals.
Yet these biological differences may
determine prognosis far more accurately than behavioural scores.
They may also determine which
treatments are most likely to work.
The future of autism research
therefore lies not in inventing broader behavioural labels but in combining
behavioural assessment with genetics, neurobiology, metabolism,
electrophysiology and careful clinical phenotyping.
That is the essence of precision
medicine.
Conclusion
The new consensus definition of
profound autism represents an important step forward.
It recognises that autism encompasses
individuals with enormously different abilities and support needs, and that
research should no longer treat them as one homogeneous population.
I fully support that objective.
However, I am not convinced that
another behavioural label is the final answer.
Autism severity, intellectual ability,
adaptive functioning, language, challenging behaviour and medical complexity
are all independent dimensions.
They should be measured independently.
James Coplan recognised this more than
twenty years ago when he separated autism severity from intellectual ability
and developmental trajectory.
Today I would simply extend that
framework by adding adaptive functioning, language, behaviour and medical
complexity.
Most importantly, I believe the future
lies beyond behavioural classification altogether.
The greatest advances in autism
research are increasingly coming from the identification of biologically
meaningful subgroups—whether defined by genetics, epilepsy, mitochondrial
dysfunction, immune abnormalities, catatonia, regression or other underlying
mechanisms.
These subgroups are far more likely to
reveal targeted treatments than any single behavioural label.
The future of autism research is
therefore unlikely to be shaped by a new definition such as profound autism.
It will be shaped by understanding why
two people with the same autism diagnosis can have completely different
biology, completely different outcomes and, ultimately, completely different
treatments.
Labels describe
people. Biology explains them.
The average IQ of South Koreans has
risen dramatically over the past half century, largely through improvements in
nutrition, healthcare and education. Whether the same can be said for autism
researchers is perhaps more debatable. In our enthusiasm to develop new
classifications, we should not overlook the valuable work carried out decades
ago. James Coplan's multidimensional framework remains remarkably relevant
today and arguably aligns more closely with the goals of precision medicine
than many more recent attempts to subdivide the autism spectrum. Hans Asperger was 50 years ahead of his time.
Note on Hans
Asperger
A 2023 investigation concluded that
there was no evidence Hans Asperger knew that Am Spiegelgrund was operating a
child euthanasia programme when he referred patients there in 1941. Around 800
children were ultimately killed at the institution during the Nazi period,
including two of Asperger's former patients.
https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36239413/
Following the end of the Second World
War, Ernst Illing, the director of Am Spiegelgrund, was arrested and tried by
an Austrian court in 1946. He was convicted of murders committed at the
institution, sentenced to death, and executed by hanging on 30 November 1946.
The historical record surrounding Hans
Asperger continues to be debated. New evidence should always be considered
carefully, but historical interpretations should be revised only when supported
by robust evidence. Replacing one oversimplified narrative with another risks
introducing new biases rather than improving our understanding of the past.
It is striking that some people are deeply concerned about the former diagnosis of Asperger syndrome because of ongoing historical debates about Hans Asperger and yet many give little thought to buying products from companies with well-documented links to the Nazi regime, such as Hugo Boss, whose founder was a Nazi Party member and whose company manufactured uniforms for Nazi organisations while using forced labour during the Second World War.
In 1938,
the Nazi government even awarded Henry Ford the Grand Cross of the German
Eagle, the highest honour it could bestow on a foreign civilian.
Henry Ford was a pioneering
industrialist, but he also promoted antisemitic views through his newspaper,
the Dearborn Independent. These articles were later collected into the
four-volume series The International Jew in the early 1920s. It was translated
into at least 12 languages. The writings spread antisemitic conspiracy theories
about Jewish people and influenced extremist movements internationally,
including Nazi Germany. Adolf Hitler openly admired Ford and mentioned him
favourably in Mein Kampf. Ford was the only American mentioned
positively by Hitler in Mein Kampf, and Hitler later stated that he
regarded Ford as an inspiration.
It does illustrate that society often
applies historical scrutiny inconsistently.
I hope Simon Baron-Cohen never bought
a Ford!
Is it relevant today? Not to most people.

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